Wednesday, November 11, 2015

Reparations: The US and the International Criminal Court

Reparations provides redress to victims for crimes. Reparations can take many forms.  According to Redress.org, the four main forms of reparations include restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition: “Restitution is designed to re-establish the situation which would have existed had the wrongful act not occurred.  Compensation should be provided for any economically assessable damage which result from the act.  Rehabilitation is to include medical, psychological, and other cares and services, as well as measures to restore dignity and reputation.  Satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition includes verification of facts and full public disclosure of the truth; a declaratory judgment” [1]
 Reparations at is based on a victim’s understanding of justice.  International Criminal Court functions not simply to punish perpetrators of violence, but, also to protect victims against injustice.  It is important to note that:
“The court has the option of granting individual or collective reparation, concerning a whole group of victims or a community, or both. If the court decides to order collective reparation, it may order that reparation to be made through the Trust Fund for Victims and the reparation may then also be paid to an inter-governmental, international or national organization.” [2]
This focus on the needs of victims by the court has led to the establishment of the Trust Fund for Victims.  The TFV was created as a result of Article 79.  This increased push towards victim recognition could be said to be associated with the significant shift in the perception of legal reparations from pre-world war II to now.  The first major request for reparations came as a result of war.  Pre-World War I, reparations had a connotation of payment by national losers to winners of conflict (Buxbaum, 319).  Post-World War II, there was an increased recognition of the importance of individuals and collectives as recipients of reparations.
               While reparations as outlined in the ICC do not appear in US criminal law, there is a history of reparations in the United States.  The most pertinent case is US reparations for Japanese American internment.  However, the word “reparations” is not used outside of this historical context in the US criminal system.  There is, nonetheless, an established system of restitution in place within the US criminal justice system as well as allowances for compensation and civil damages.
               Restitution is provided by those convicted of a crime to their victims.  Upon conviction, the court has the ability to order the defendant to give restitution to victims, if he/she has the ability to pay.  According to the National Center for Victims of Crime website, “restitution can cover any out-of-pocket losses directly relating to the crime.”[3] Compensation is state sponsored and given by the state.  Eligibility must be shown in order for compensation to be granted.  In the US, restitution allows victims financial redress without applying while compensation and civil damages requires action victim participation.  While compensation is not court ordered, civil damages is court ordered as a result of victims winning a lawsuit against the perpetrator in civil court.
               The importance of reparations does not lie only in providing victims with opportunities to gain redress.  The recognition of reparations as an integral aspect of justice demonstrates the importance and focus on victims in the criminal justice system, whether internationally or domestically.  Reparations provides an impetus for restorative justice where the focus is not just punishing criminals, but also sincere attempts to bring back the victims to the status they had previously in some way.

Written by: Chinonye Alma Otuonye

References:
Buxbaum, Richard (2005). A Legal History of International Reparations. Berkeley Journal of International Law, 23(2), 314-346.
Cullinan, Sarah (2001). Torture Survivors’ Perceptions of Reparation: Preliminary Survey. Retrieved from http://www.redress.org/downloads/publications/TSPR.pdf
Goodwin, Catherine M (1998). The Imposition of Restitution in Federal Criminal Cases. Federal Probation. Retrieved from http://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/training/online-learning-center/supporting-materials/Imposition-of-Restitution-in-Federal-Criminal-Cases.pdf
International Criminal Court Web Portal. 2003. Web. 29 October 2015. Retrieved from http://www.icc-cpi.int/EN_Menus/ICC/Disclaimer/Pages/terms%20of%20use.aspx
National Center for Victims of Crime (2004). Restitution. Retrieved from https://www.victimsofcrime.org/help-for-crime-victims/get-help-bulletins-for-crime-victims/restitution
Redress. 2001. Web. 29 October 2015. Retrieved from http://www.redress.org/what-is-reparation/what-is-reparation
The Trust Fund for Victims. Web. 29 October 2015 2015. Retrieved from http://www.trustfundforvictims.org/trust-fund-victims, http://www.trustfundforvictims.org/financial-information
UN General Assembly, Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (last amended 2010), 17 July 1998, ISBN No. 92-9227-227-6, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3a84.html [accessed 27 October 2015]



[1] Cullinan, Sarah (2001). Torture Survivors’ Perceptions of Reparation: Preliminary Survey. Retrieved from http://www.redress.org/downloads/publications/TSPR.pdf

[2] International Criminal Court Web Portal. 2003. Web. 29 October 2015. Retrieved from http://www.icc-cpi.int/EN_Menus/ICC/Disclaimer/Pages/terms%20of%20use.aspx

[3] National Center for Victims of Crime (2004). Restitution. Retrieved from https://www.victimsofcrime.org/help-for-crime-victims/get-help-bulletins-for-crime-victims/restitution


Thursday, November 05, 2015

South Africa and the Worrisome Call to Withdraw from ICC

On October 11, 2015, South Africa’s ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), announced its intention to withdraw South Africa from the ICC.  South Africa was one of the major African proponents of the creation of the ICC and one of the first to sign and ratify, and include its standards in its domestic law.  With South Africa’s global role as a moral leader slowly waning in the post-Mandela era, this shift in attitude about the ICC proves worrisome if it indeed happens.  The South African image of being advocates of human rights hangs in the balance. 
According to the Rome Statute, Article 127, “A state party may, by written notification addressed to the Secretary General of the United Nations, withdraw from this Statute.  The withdrawal shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification, unless the notification specifies a later date.” (Article 127(1) Rome Statute) With regards to their obligations: “A state shall not be discharged, by reason of its withdrawal, from the obligations arising from this Statute while it was a Party to the Statute, including any financial obligations which may have been accrued” (Article 127(2) Rome Statute) In essence, while South Africa may withdraw soon they will still be party members until a year after their request for withdrawal which will still hold South Africa accountable.

South Africa’s announcement comes after its failure to detain Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir.  The ICC issued a warrant for the Bashir for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide and with South Africa a party member it had an obligation to detain him.   Upon the announcement, ANC representative Obad, stated that the ICC had lost its direction and that powerful nations “trample” human rights and pursue “selfish interest” alluding to the targeting of African nations by the ICC since its inception.[i]  South Africa power in the AU provides a worry that this could lead to a potential “African-wide walkout from the court.”

The rhetoric of an ICC bias towards African nations has been long standing.  According to The Guardian, President Zuma stated: “In the eyes of the African Leaders, the ICC is biased. Only Africans they are interested [sic].  This is what has made Africa feel we need to relook at our participation.  It looks like it is just meant for us” (Musker, 2015).  President Zuma appears to be neglecting the ICC’s current investigations in non-African countries such as Colombia, Georgia, Honduras, Iraq, Palestine, Afghanistan, and Ukraine.  The African bias argument also fails to have a complete understanding of the court system.  Of the eight cases the ICC has pursued in Africa thus far two have been referred by the United Nations Security Council-Sudan and Libya- and four have been self-referrals, in which the state involved has requested the assistance of the court-the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic, Uganda and Mali.  Article 13 of the Rome Statute, states that the court has jurisdiction if: “(a) A situation in which one or more of such crimes (outlined in Article 5) appears to have been committed is referred to the Prosecutor by a State Party in accordance with article 14;(b) A situation in which one or more of such crimes appears to have been committed is referred to the Prosecutor by the Security Council acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations;(c) The prosecutor has initiated an investigation in respect of such a crime in accordance with article 15.” (Article 13 (a)(b)(c)).

Currently, the South Africa situation is fluid as a result of attacks by both domestic and International civil societies against the decision and the impending result in the Assembly of State Parties meeting in November. 

Written by: Chinonye Alma Otuonye


References:
Kersten, Mark (2015). Sudan, South Africa and the Future of the International Criminal Court in Africa. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2015/10/13/sudan-south-africa-and-the-future-of-the-international-criminal-court-in-africa/
Musker, Saul (2015). Why South Africa is Wrong to Leave the International Criminal Court. The Guardian. Retrieved from http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/14/why-south-africa-is-wrong-to-leave-the-international-criminal-court
Nkosi, Milton (2015). What South Africa Leaving the International Criminal Court Would Mean. BBC News. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-34509342
Pizzi, Michael (2015). South Africa threatens to Withdraw from ICC, Alleging Anti-African Bias. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved from http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/10/12/south-africa-threatens-to-withdraw-from-icc-alleging-anti-african-bias.html
Styrdom, TJ (2015). South Africa Plans to Leave International Criminal Court. Reuters. Retrieved from http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/10/11/us-safrica-icc-idUSKCN0S50HM20151011
UN General Assembly, Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (last amended 2010), 17 July 1998, ISBN No. 92-9227-227-6, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3a84.html [accessed 27 October 2015]




[i] Strydom, TJ, “South African Plans to Leave International Criminal Court,” Reuters. (2015), http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/10/11/us-safrica-icc-idUSKCN0S50HM20151011